SRITA

Stanford Research into the Impact of Tobacco Advertising

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You're So Smart – img2037

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2038

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2039

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2040

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2041

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2042

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2043

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

You're So Smart – img2044

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

Sisterhood – img7401

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Chesterfield launched its “Best for You” campaign in 1950. The obvious message was that Chesterfields were the cigarette that was “best” for the smoker. It is unclear whether this slogan ironically implies that other cigarettes are bad for the smoker, and that Chesterfields are merely the lesser of the evils, or if the slogan is falsely claiming that all cigarettes are good for you, but that Chesterfields are best. Either way, the slogan was manipulative and misleading. Along with print advertisements, Chesterfield also featured the “Best for You” slogan on Perry Como’s Chesterfield radio show.

Despite the patently false and misleading health claims implicit in the slogan, the campaign lasted well into 1957. The campaign’s longevity may seem surprising in the face of the Federal Trade Commission's (FTC’s) 1955 advertising guidelines, which prohibited cigarette manufacturers from publishing claims regarding lower tar or lower nicotine without scientific proof. The guidelines proved to be relatively ineffective, with brands using dubious science to prove their figures. This continued until 1960 when the FTC and the tobacco manufacturers agreed to discontinue such tar and nicotine advertisements for good. However, everything reverted when, in 1966, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) reported that scientific evidence suggests that “the lower the tar and nicotine content of cigarette smoke, the less harmful would be the effect.” Though much later on, in 1994, this claim would be challenged and torn down by the FTC as false, it was widely accepted at the time. As a result, in 1966 the FTC discontinued its 1960 ruling which had banned tobacco companies from reporting tar and nicotine claims in advertising. This meant that misleading data on tar and nicotine content would continue in advertising well into the latter half of the twentieth century.

Mild as May – img3254

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Tobacco companies have been advertising their particular brands as “mild” since the first half of the 20th century. From the start, smokers were aware that smoking irritated the throat, causing discomfort or “smoker’s hack.” Though serious health effects of smoking, like lung cancer, emphysema, and heart attack, were not yet identified in the first half of the 20th century, the seemingly benign side effects such as sore throat and cough were certainly bothersome to smokers. To counteract the sentiment that certain cigarettes were “harsh” and thereby worse for one’s health, cigarette companies began touting “mildness,” a ploy that has lasted well into the 21st century. By reassuring smokers that a particular brand was “mild,” tobacco companies succeeded in hooking consumers and preventing them from quitting.

In the 1930s, Philip Morris used “mildness” in an attempt to attract women, classifying Marlboros as “Mild as May.” Similarly, the American Tobacco Company, always struggling to maintain Lucky Strike’s female consumer base due to the brand’s inherently unfashionable packaging, employed the slogan, “Mildness and Character” along with images of beautiful, sophisticated, rich women. But a cigarette advertised as “mild” was by no means restricted to a female audience. Indeed, in the 1940s and ‘50s, Liggett & Myers drove home the “mildness” message in many of its Chesterfield ads that featured males. A good portion of these Chesterfield ads even included celebrity endorsements from famous men, including Ronald Reagan.

The deception continued and became increasingly prevalent as low-tar and low-nicotine cigarettes gained ground in the 1970s. At this time, Brown & Williamson released Kool Milds in an attempt to attract the health-conscious smoker. B&W continued advertising Kool Milds heavily until 2010, when FDA regulations prohibited tobacco companies from using misleading monikers such as “low” and “mild.” Since this new regulation, Kool has followed other brands in color-coding its cigarettes to indicate “mild” or “low-tar.” It has now repositioned Kool Milds as Kool Blue.

High Fashion – img0575

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Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Capri – img1011

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Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img1039

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Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Debs – img1089

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Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Today's Youth – img4024

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Young people have been (and remain today) a key marketing target for tobacco companies. It is easy to assume that tobacco companies have discontinued advertising to teens in recent decades, as tobacco companies vehemently claim that they target adult audiences and do not market to people under the age of 21. Though we have many ads from decades past which clearly target teens, children, students, and young adults, we also have a wide selection from recent decades which target youth in more subtle ways.

In particular, older models are featured in ads behaving like children – in this way, the ads appear to target older audiences because the models are older, but their actions speak to younger audiences. For example, a group of friends plays together on a swing or sleds down a snowy slope (Salem), friends eat ice cream sundaes or practice hand stands on the beach (Newport). More extreme cases still can be seen in ads from overseas, which face less stringent regulations than those in the U.S. Ads from Russian brand Kiss, for example, feature young female models dressed in pink, enjoying lollipops and ice cream cones like little girls.

Tobacco companies also use the opposite technique to attract youth, featuring young adults in “adult-only” scenarios. For example, young men and women mingle in a nightclub, meet at a bar, or play billiards (Kool). Teens who see these ads see smoking as a gateway to mature actions which are normally off-limits but desirable.

Most smokers do not begin smoking as adults. Almost all new smokers, the lifeblood of the industry, are teens and young adults aged 13 to 21. An R.J. Reynolds document from 1973 reveals the long-seeded emphasis on targeting teens with cigarette ads: “Realistically, if our Company is to survive and prosper, over the long term, we must get our share of the youth market” (1). In the 1980s, RJR places a stronger emphasis on the necessity of hooking teens early, claiming that “younger adult smokers have been the critical factor in the growth and decline of every major brand and company over the last 50 years. They will continue to be just as important to brands/companies in the future…” (2). Later in this same document, the company literally refers to its smokers as if they assets, claiming that a young smoker “appreciates in value over time because of increased consumption.” Decades later, the sentiment that youth must be targeted remains prevalent. A more recent R.J. Reynolds document from 1998 explains that because only 31% of smokers begin smoking after age 18, and only 5% after age 24, “younger adults are the only source of replacement smokers” once adult smokers pass away (3).

The emphasis on targeting teens was by no means restricted to R.J. Reynolds. An internal Philip Morris document from 1981 explains that the teen market is “particularly important,” because “today’s teenager is tomorrow’s potential regular customer, and the overwhelming majority of smokers first begin to smoke while still in their teens” (4). Even after harsh criticism from activists and policy makers, tobacco companies continue to advertise to the youth market. While they claim they target only “informed adults” of at least 21 years, recent ad campaigns tell a different story. Take a look at some of our other themes, including “Flavored Tobacco,” “Joe Camel,” “Newport Teases Teens,” and “Recent Menthol” to discover Big Tobacco’s ongoing teen marketing campaigns.

1. Teague, Claude E. “Research Planning Memorandum on Some Thoughts About New Brands of Cigarettes for the Youth Market.” R.J. Reynolds. 2 Feb 1973. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/mqu46b00/pdf

2. Burrows, D.S. “Younger Adult Smokers: Strategies and Opportunities.” R.J. Reynolds. 29 February 1984. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/tqq46b00/pdf PERFORMING ARTS PAGE 36

3. “The Importance of Younger Adults.” R.J. Reynolds. 27 Feb 1998. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/eyn18c00/pdf

4. Johnston, M.E. “Young Smokers Prevalence, Trends, Implications and Related Demographic Trends.” Philip Morris. 31 March 1981. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/fts84a00/pdf

Luli – img18750

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Like most consumer products, many electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies create products and advertisements specifically targeted to women. Many of these ads follow stereotypes associated with gender targeted ads and are either overly feminine (in shades of pink or with floral designs) or target insecurities.

Even in their brand names, these brands target women by speaking to their desires. For instance, the brand Vogue, brands it as “new lifestyle.” The e-cig devices for most brands under this category are available in pastel colors such as pink and peach. The slim design, very reminiscent of the slim cigarettes of popular women cigarette brands such as Virginia Slims and Max, are crystal tipped to appeal to the modern woman. An ad for Luli e-cigs has the image of the product on a vanity table by the side of an elegant and beautiful tiara made of pearls and in front of a vintage bottle of perfume. The presence of the product on the vanity case is intended to convey that it is just another element in making you look and feel beautiful.

In addition to creating sleekly designed devices, many brands have also created a whole line of fashionable accessories from e-cig lanyards to e-cig handbags. Cottien, which brands itself as the “most feminine electronic cigarette in the world,” has an artistic rendition of a fashion model on each device. Through blogs, Pinterest boards and Facebook posts, these e-cig companies reach out to women, including adolescent girls, and provide them with tips on how to be stylish and trendy. For instance, Pinterest board for Vapor Couture teaches women how to coordinate their dress with Vapor Couture accessories. The board for Cottien has images of pink frosted cupcakes and girly, floral, sneakers as must-have items for this summer.

Many of the e-cig brands through their descriptors, ads, and messages on social media boards also provide a subliminal message that vaping their brand will result in the smoker obtaining or maintaining a slim figure. An ad for Luli disposable e-cigs contains the image of the product along with the call out, “new improved formula, brand new design.” The ad is intended to encourage women to believe that a product was redesigned to better suit their needs.

Hideous – img12505

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The tobacco industry invests heavily in marketing their products and spends billions of dollars each year to ensure their advertisements are effective in recruiting new smokers and maintaining the loyalty of veteran smokers (1). These ads have played a huge role in shaping the image of the smoker into someone positive and desirable. The men in these ads are portrayed as masculine, charismatic, and desirable to women, while the women featured in the ads are beautiful, sexy, and independent. Since the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act in 1970 banned cigarette advertisements from American radio and television and the 1997 Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement further regulated tobacco advertising, tobacco ads are much less prominent in the media. However, advertisements have not completely disappeared from magazines, point-of-sale store windows, and mailers. Furthermore, the image of the smoker as a rebel lives on in the media, reflected with high visibility in rock stars and in movies. When millions of people see these beautiful and talented celebrities smoking, it’s difficult for young people to believe these cigarettes can make anyone unattractive.

The anti-tobacco advertisements in this theme attempt to counter that very notion. According to the ads in this theme, “smoking makes you ugly.” Smoking can make a person physically ugly by changing the person’s appearance, such as discoloring teeth, aging skin,or causing bad breath. Smoking can also make a person unattractive socially, and these ads try to convince their audience that, contrary to tobacco industry advertisements, cigarettes do not make a person look sexy.

Aspects that affect the social image of adolescents are significant factors in many of the decisions and actions adolescents make. Being attractive to the opposite sex is related to social image, and for some middle adolescents (high school age), smoking is thought to make this goal more attainable (2, 3). Thus, young smokers are susceptible to the portrayal of smokers as attractive in the media, and it is important to address this in anti-smoking campaigns.

However, the theme of attractiveness has similar qualities to ads that stress long-term health effects and social image. Unfortunately, these kinds of ads seem to have limited effectiveness on the youth population. According to Goldman & Glantz 1998, ads that stress the long-term effects of smoking are moderately effective among adults, but not effective on youth populations (4). Most young smokers are aware of the health threats of smoking but, at the moment, they see no signs of these effects in themselves or in their peers, and it is difficult for them to find truth in what appear to be empty threats. Adolescents often feel invincible and many believe they will be able to quit before they are affected. Ads that threaten romantic rejection by smoking, which is implied in many of these ads about attractiveness and appearance, have been found to be ineffective in either youth or adult populations (4). Anti-smoking messages that attempt to denormalize smoking need to show teens, rather than tell them, that smoking does not improve their social image.

One other point to consider about these anti-smoking ads is the attractiveness level of the model. People are more willing to overlook negative habits like smoking when a person is attractive. If the model is more attractive in the ad, the ad will also be better recalled. Thus, these ads may be more effective if they show the transformation of a beautiful person into someone hideous as a result of smoking. The transformation must be something believable, like a personal testament or before-and-after pictures, because the claims must override what people see in reality, which are usually no immediate effects from smoking (5).

REFERENCES:

1. Aloise-Young PA, Hennigan KM, Graham JW. Role of the Self-Image and Smoker
Stereotype in Smoking Onset During Early Adolescence: A Longitudinal Study. Health Psychology 1996; 15(6): 494-497.

2. Barton J, Chassin L, Presson CC, Sherman SJ. Social Image Factors as Motivators of
Smoking Initiation in Early and Middle Adolescence. Child Development 1982; 53(6): 1499-1511.

3. Federal Trade Commission. Cigarette Report for 2006. Issued August 2009.
4.Goldman LK, Glantz SA. Evaluation of Antismoking Advertising Campaigns. JAMA
1998; 279: 772-777.

4.Shadel WG, Craig SF, Tharp-Taylor S. Uncovering the most effective active
ingredients of antismoking public service announcements: The role of actor and message characteristics. Nicotine Tob Res 2009; 11(5): 547-552.

Singers & Performers – img2704

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In the 1920s, tobacco companies began enlisting hundreds of celebrities to endorse their products. In these advertisements, movie stars, famous singers, athletes, and even socialites graced the pages of popular magazines, editorials, and newspapers printed across the country. The 1920s and 1930s were the heyday of celebrity endorsement, with celebrities hawking everything from cigarettes to soap, from pantyhose to cars. However, it seems that no company was as prolific in its celebrity ad copy as Lucky Strike.

Singers were vital components of celebrity testimonial campaigns for cigarette companies; the emphasis on healthy, clear voices in the singers’ line of work was an ideal avenue for portraying cigarettes as healthful, rather than harmful. The concept was that if a famous singer entrusted her voice and throat – her source of revenue – to a cigarette brand, then it must not be so bad! “If it’s good enough for Frank Sinatra, it’s good enough for me,” a consumer might decide. It is ironic, of course, that these ads also worked to reveal the possible side effects of smoking by providing a problem (irritated throats, for example) and a solution (smoke our brand.) Still, this “problem-solution” advertising was very popular at the time, and worked to position one brand as the exception to the problem rule or as the least problematic of all cigarette brands. It also served to trivialize health side effects of smoking, masking more serious side effects in the process.

Stars were also used to attract a younger crowd. Stars were glamorous and represented a walk of life attractive to consumers who were already invested in tabloids and the lives of the show business elite. It wasn’t until 1964 that tobacco companies were banned from using testimonials from athletes, entertainers, and other famous personalities who might be appealing to consumers under 21 years of age.

Low Tar – img3208

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Claims of low ‘tar,’ less ‘tar,’ or even lowest ‘tar’ have been circulating in cigarette advertisements for decades. This theme features ads which revolve around deceptive low tar claims which try to out-do each other, some going as far as to claim less than 1 mg of tar per cigarette. By ‘tar,’ tobacco companies are referring to the brown, sticky accumulation of chemicals amassed when tobacco is burned. This residue is considered to be one of the most damaging components of smoking, as it contains a multitude of identified carcinogens and causes harmful build-up in the lungs. It is therefore no surprise that, early on, tobacco companies began to make their cigarettes appear less harmful by advertising reduced tar levels. Low tar cigarettes are intended to keep concerned smokers from quitting by providing these smokers with what appears to be a healthy alternative. Unfortunately, lower tar ratings have no bearing on the safety of the brand in question. As internal tobacco documents have revealed, tobacco companies have been fully knowledgeable that lower tar cigarettes were not actually safer or healthier.

It was not until quite recently that any action was taken in the United States to address the deceptive and dangerous mislabeling. However, when the FDA was granted regulatory authority over tobacco products in 2009, these concerns came to the forefront of regulation. As of July 2010, the words “mild,” “low,” or “light” are not to be used on tobacco products, as these words cause consumers to underestimate their health risks. This new regulation means that brands previously marketed as “light” or “low-tar” can no longer include these words on their packaging or advertising.

Unsurprisingly, tobacco manufacturers have figured out a creative way to escape this regulation. Now, they rely on different colored packages to indicate whether a certain product is light, ultra-light, or full-flavor. The colors vary slightly among brands, but generally adhere to the following standards: red indicates regular; dark green indicates menthol; light green, blue, or gold indicate previously “light” cigarettes; and silver or orange indicate previously “ultra light” cigarettes. Camel, for example, replaced their “Camel Lights” product with “Camel Blue.” Philip Morris stuck with the idea that lighter shades indicate a “lighter” cigarette, and thus Marlboro Lights became Marlboro Gold, and Marlboro Ultra-Lights became Marlboro Silver. Likewise, R.J. Reynolds’ Salem Ultra-Lights became “Salem Silver Box.” The FDA has regulatory authority to demand that tobacco companies discontinue their color branding techniques in the future.

High Fashion – img0576

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Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Capri – img1035

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Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img1044

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Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Debs – img1090

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Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Singers – img17046

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In the 1920s, tobacco companies began enlisting hundreds of celebrities to endorse their products. In these advertisements, movie stars, famous singers, athletes, and even socialites graced the pages of popular magazines, editorials, and newspapers printed across the country. The 1920s and 1930s were the heyday of celebrity endorsement, with celebrities hawking everything from cigarettes to soap, from pantyhose to cars. However, it seems that no company was as prolific in its celebrity ad copy as Lucky Strike.

Singers were vital components of celebrity testimonial campaigns for cigarette companies; the emphasis on healthy, clear voices in the singers’ line of work was an ideal avenue for portraying cigarettes as healthful, rather than harmful. The concept was that if a famous singer entrusted her voice and throat – her source of revenue – to a cigarette brand, then it must not be so bad! “If it’s good enough for Frank Sinatra, it’s good enough for me,” a consumer might decide. It is ironic, of course, that these ads also worked to reveal the possible side effects of smoking by providing a problem (irritated throats, for example) and a solution (smoke our brand.) Still, this “problem-solution” advertising was very popular at the time, and worked to position one brand as the exception to the problem rule or as the least problematic of all cigarette brands. It also served to trivialize health side effects of smoking, masking more serious side effects in the process.

Stars were also used to attract a younger crowd. Stars were glamorous and represented a walk of life attractive to consumers who were already invested in tabloids and the lives of the show business elite. It wasn’t until 1964 that tobacco companies were banned from using testimonials from athletes, entertainers, and other famous personalities who might be appealing to consumers under 21 years of age.

Hideous – img12935

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The tobacco industry invests heavily in marketing their products and spends billions of dollars each year to ensure their advertisements are effective in recruiting new smokers and maintaining the loyalty of veteran smokers (1). These ads have played a huge role in shaping the image of the smoker into someone positive and desirable. The men in these ads are portrayed as masculine, charismatic, and desirable to women, while the women featured in the ads are beautiful, sexy, and independent. Since the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act in 1970 banned cigarette advertisements from American radio and television and the 1997 Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement further regulated tobacco advertising, tobacco ads are much less prominent in the media. However, advertisements have not completely disappeared from magazines, point-of-sale store windows, and mailers. Furthermore, the image of the smoker as a rebel lives on in the media, reflected with high visibility in rock stars and in movies. When millions of people see these beautiful and talented celebrities smoking, it’s difficult for young people to believe these cigarettes can make anyone unattractive.

The anti-tobacco advertisements in this theme attempt to counter that very notion. According to the ads in this theme, “smoking makes you ugly.” Smoking can make a person physically ugly by changing the person’s appearance, such as discoloring teeth, aging skin,or causing bad breath. Smoking can also make a person unattractive socially, and these ads try to convince their audience that, contrary to tobacco industry advertisements, cigarettes do not make a person look sexy.

Aspects that affect the social image of adolescents are significant factors in many of the decisions and actions adolescents make. Being attractive to the opposite sex is related to social image, and for some middle adolescents (high school age), smoking is thought to make this goal more attainable (2, 3). Thus, young smokers are susceptible to the portrayal of smokers as attractive in the media, and it is important to address this in anti-smoking campaigns.

However, the theme of attractiveness has similar qualities to ads that stress long-term health effects and social image. Unfortunately, these kinds of ads seem to have limited effectiveness on the youth population. According to Goldman & Glantz 1998, ads that stress the long-term effects of smoking are moderately effective among adults, but not effective on youth populations (4). Most young smokers are aware of the health threats of smoking but, at the moment, they see no signs of these effects in themselves or in their peers, and it is difficult for them to find truth in what appear to be empty threats. Adolescents often feel invincible and many believe they will be able to quit before they are affected. Ads that threaten romantic rejection by smoking, which is implied in many of these ads about attractiveness and appearance, have been found to be ineffective in either youth or adult populations (4). Anti-smoking messages that attempt to denormalize smoking need to show teens, rather than tell them, that smoking does not improve their social image.

One other point to consider about these anti-smoking ads is the attractiveness level of the model. People are more willing to overlook negative habits like smoking when a person is attractive. If the model is more attractive in the ad, the ad will also be better recalled. Thus, these ads may be more effective if they show the transformation of a beautiful person into someone hideous as a result of smoking. The transformation must be something believable, like a personal testament or before-and-after pictures, because the claims must override what people see in reality, which are usually no immediate effects from smoking (5).

REFERENCES:

1. Aloise-Young PA, Hennigan KM, Graham JW. Role of the Self-Image and Smoker
Stereotype in Smoking Onset During Early Adolescence: A Longitudinal Study. Health Psychology 1996; 15(6): 494-497.

2. Barton J, Chassin L, Presson CC, Sherman SJ. Social Image Factors as Motivators of
Smoking Initiation in Early and Middle Adolescence. Child Development 1982; 53(6): 1499-1511.

3. Federal Trade Commission. Cigarette Report for 2006. Issued August 2009.
4.Goldman LK, Glantz SA. Evaluation of Antismoking Advertising Campaigns. JAMA
1998; 279: 772-777.

4.Shadel WG, Craig SF, Tharp-Taylor S. Uncovering the most effective active
ingredients of antismoking public service announcements: The role of actor and message characteristics. Nicotine Tob Res 2009; 11(5): 547-552.

Healthy Cigars and Pipes – img1500

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“Healthy” cigars and pipes were blatantly advertised well into the first half of the 20th century alongside their cigarette counterparts. Many of these advertisements claimed that if the consumer smoked the pipe or cigar in question, he would live longer or be healthier. A turn-of-the-century pipe, “the Harmless Smoker,” was advertised under the slogan, “Don’t Kill Yourself Smoking – Use the Harmless Smoker.” As late as 1931, Thompson’s Mell-O-Well Cigars claimed that physicians referred to their brand as “a health cigar.”

It is important to note that the tobacco smoke in pipes and cigars has a much higher alkalinity (with a pH of about 8.5) when compared to that of cigarettes (with a pH of about 5.3). The higher the smoke’s alkalinity, the more difficult it is for a smoker to inhale, as the smoke becomes too irritating, causing the lungs to reject the smoke. However, this does not mean that pipes or cigars are safe. In fact, studies have revealed a high rate of mouth cancer – especially cancer of the lip – associated with pipe smoking. Studies have also shown that cigars pose a higher amount of secondhand smoke exposure than cigarettes because they contain more tobacco that burns for a longer period of time. Today, hookah, a water pipe also known as shisha, is finding increasing popularity among youth as a “safe alternative” to smoking cigarettes – a misconception. Smoking hookah is strongly linked to oral and lung cancer, heart disease, and other tobacco-related illnesses, and studies have shown that more carbon monoxide is inhaled through hookah than through cigarettes.

High Fashion – img0596

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Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Pretty in Pink – img10249

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Tobacco companies are often extremely creative in their advertising techniques; however, sometimes the techniques they employ are excruciatingly obvious. In targeting women, for example, many cigarette brands turn to the classic feminine shade of pink in order to clearly communicate a certain cigarette is intended for women’s use. Pink cigarettes and ads which incorporate the color pink target a younger demographic of females. Camel No. 9, for example, uses a hot pink color palette, which accents the cigarette pack, the pack’s interior foil, the cigarettes themselves, and all of the print advertisements for the product. The ads in this theme all demonstrate the prevalence of pink in ads marketing women’s cigarettes. From Russian “Glamour” ads to American “Misty” ads, pink is everywhere. One Virginia Slims ad from 1995 works to reclaim pink as a color of power for women, with the phrase “Pretty in Pink doesn’t make you a pushover” printed next to a woman in a pink mini-dress preparing to hop on her motorcycle.

Max – img1045

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Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Debs – img1091

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Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Capri – img9931

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Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Vapor Couture – img18761

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Unsurprisingly, electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies have followed in the footsteps of the combustible tobacco industry by creating a distinct market pool for women. Vapor Couture is one of two e-cig brands operated and managed by VMR Products. Unlike the marketing of its sister brand, V2 Cigs, Vapor Couture exclusively targets women and markets its product via glamour and femininity.

In it product design, advertising and marketing, Vapor Couture follows in the footsteps of Virginia Slims and Camel 9. The product is slender, with a crystal tip, and is often packaged in a sleek box that resembles a make-up accessory rather than a traditional cigarette case. Additionally, Vapor Couture advertisements attempt to epitomize a woman-only product by emphasizing fashion, accessories, and makeup – all adorned in hot pink, royal purple, and crystal backgrounds. The e-cigs themselves and come in atypical flavor names such as “Bomb Shell” and “Rodeo Drive”. As is well known, “Bomb shell” is a term used to describe attractive women and Rodeo Drive is known as the embodiment of the glam, high-fashion lifestyle in Beverly Hills, California.

Ads for Vapor Couture often feature images of independent and successful women. The ads are accompanied by catchy slogans such as, “Womanly Vaping Experience” and “Made for Women” or “ Your Life. Your Style” and “What’s Your Style?” The slogans suggest the empowerment of women as well as feminine individuality. Vapor Couture’s marketing obviously tries to play off of a certain desired woman’s figure and social image. For Vapor Couture, its e-cigs serve as a chic fashion accessory.

Sex Sells – img3767

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Tobacco companies know as much as anybody that “sex sells,” and they have no qualms with making use of phallic symbols or with objectifying women to sell their products.

Beginning in the 1880s and lasting well into the 20th century, cigarette manufacturers placed a piece of cardstock inside every pack of cigarettes so the packs would maintain their shape. They soon began including pictures of provocative women in lingerie on the cardstock (as well as images of baseball players, the precursor to collectable baseball cards) in order to attract more men into purchasing the cigarettes. Eroticism continued to play a large role in cigarette advertisements, and by the late 1930s, pin-up girls were frequently used in cigarette advertisements to appeal further to male audiences.

As the advertising business matured over time, so too did its foray into selling products through sex, at times blatantly obvious, and in other moments alluringly subtle. The 1968 Tiparillo advertisements, in the “Should a gentleman offer a Tiparillo” campaign, are shameless in their objectification of women, featuring scantily clad or nearly nude models baring absurd amounts of cleavage. Other tobacco ads exploit the “sex sells” market through innuendo and subliminal messaging. Many ads use phallic imagery to associate tobacco products with masculinity and virility. A 1997 ad for Celestino cigars, for example, features a man holding a giant surfboard, which on the surface resembles a giant cigar; closer inspection reveals that the surfboard/cigar duo is also a phallic symbol, allying the cigar brand with extreme masculinity. Similarly subtle, an ad for Greys cigarettes, from the late 1930s, displays a depiction of a man with a drooping cigarette “before smoking Greys,” and then with an erect cigarette “after smoking greys.” Additionally, the man, who had previously been bald, has managed to grow a full head of hair after smoking the cigarette! An L&M ad from 1962 follows the same tactics; a man’s cigarette sticks straight up as he glances over at a woman, who eyes his cigarette as she sensuously takes one of her own. The slogan below the image reads, “When a cigarette means a lot…”

Perhaps the most recognizable recent campaign to use such techniques is the Joe Camel campaign, which lasted up until 1999; Joe Camel’s face is drawn to resemble a scrotum. More recently still, 21st century Silk Cut admen were masters of subliminal messaging. One Silk Cut ad, for example, features a piece of silk with a hole cut out, a can with a sharp point aimed directly at the hole, and a torn piece of silk hanging off the can’s point to indicate insertion has been made.

This theme merely grazes the surface of the extent to which tobacco advertisements rely on sex to sell their products.

Mass Marketing Begins – img0520

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As the threat of tobacco prohibition from temperance unions settled down in the late 1920s, tobacco companies became bolder with their approach to targeting women through advertisements, openly targeting women in an attempt to broaden their market and increase sales. The late 1920s saw the beginnings of major mass marketing campaigns designed specifically to target women. “Cigarette manufacturers have for a long time subtly suggested in some of their advertising that women smoked,” a New York Times article from 1927 reveals. But Chesterfield’s 1927 “Blow some my way” campaign was transparent to the public even at the time of printing, and soon after, the campaigns became less and less subtle. In 1928, Lucky Strike introduced its “Cream of the Crop” campaign, featuring celebrity testimonials from female smokers, and then followed with “Reach for a Lucky Instead of a Sweet” in 1929, designed to prey on female insecurities about weight and diet. As the decade turned, many cigarette brands came out of the woodwork and joined in on unabashedly targeting women by illustrating women smoking, rather than hinting at it.

High Fashion – img0577

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Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Women's Liberation – img0795

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One of the most common techniques tobacco companies employ in order to target women is women’s liberation. Specifically, these advertisements show a woman in a position of power over a man, while being careful to keep the power-play light, carefree, and a bit flirtatious. The ads are prudent, hoping not to offend anyone while appearing to “take sides,” so to speak, with women. Often, these ads distract from the position of power Big Tobacco itself holds over both sexes, by pitting women against men instead of against Big Tobacco.

Debs – img1092

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Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Capri – img9932

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Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img9966

by

Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Luli – img18866

by

Like most consumer products, many electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies create products and advertisements specifically targeted to women. Many of these ads follow stereotypes associated with gender targeted ads and are either overly feminine (in shades of pink or with floral designs) or target insecurities.

Even in their brand names, these brands target women by speaking to their desires. For instance, the brand Vogue, brands it as “new lifestyle.” The e-cig devices for most brands under this category are available in pastel colors such as pink and peach. The slim design, very reminiscent of the slim cigarettes of popular women cigarette brands such as Virginia Slims and Max, are crystal tipped to appeal to the modern woman. An ad for Luli e-cigs has the image of the product on a vanity table by the side of an elegant and beautiful tiara made of pearls and in front of a vintage bottle of perfume. The presence of the product on the vanity case is intended to convey that it is just another element in making you look and feel beautiful.

In addition to creating sleekly designed devices, many brands have also created a whole line of fashionable accessories from e-cig lanyards to e-cig handbags. Cottien, which brands itself as the “most feminine electronic cigarette in the world,” has an artistic rendition of a fashion model on each device. Through blogs, Pinterest boards and Facebook posts, these e-cig companies reach out to women, including adolescent girls, and provide them with tips on how to be stylish and trendy. For instance, Pinterest board for Vapor Couture teaches women how to coordinate their dress with Vapor Couture accessories. The board for Cottien has images of pink frosted cupcakes and girly, floral, sneakers as must-have items for this summer.

Many of the e-cig brands through their descriptors, ads, and messages on social media boards also provide a subliminal message that vaping their brand will result in the smoker obtaining or maintaining a slim figure. An ad for Luli disposable e-cigs contains the image of the product along with the call out, “new improved formula, brand new design.” The ad is intended to encourage women to believe that a product was redesigned to better suit their needs.

Mass Marketing Begins – img7547

by

As the threat of tobacco prohibition from temperance unions settled down in the late 1920s, tobacco companies became bolder with their approach to targeting women through advertisements, openly targeting women in an attempt to broaden their market and increase sales. The late 1920s saw the beginnings of major mass marketing campaigns designed specifically to target women. “Cigarette manufacturers have for a long time subtly suggested in some of their advertising that women smoked,” a New York Times article from 1927 reveals. But Chesterfield’s 1927 “Blow some my way” campaign was transparent to the public even at the time of printing, and soon after, the campaigns became less and less subtle. In 1928, Lucky Strike introduced its “Cream of the Crop” campaign, featuring celebrity testimonials from female smokers, and then followed with “Reach for a Lucky Instead of a Sweet” in 1929, designed to prey on female insecurities about weight and diet. As the decade turned, many cigarette brands came out of the woodwork and joined in on unabashedly targeting women by illustrating women smoking, rather than hinting at it.

Max – img1042

by

Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Marlboro – img1071

by

This is an example of one of the earlier Marlboro ads, which marketed Marlboro cigarettes as being “Mild as May” to attract a female audience. This advertisement takes the next step by actually illustrating a fashionable woman smoking elegantly. In large letters, this ad mentions that Marlboros have “Ivory Tips” to “protect the lips,” targeting women who are concerned with protecting their lipstick. The woman pictured wears very dark lipstick, but her absurdly large cigarette is clean from any lipstick stains. Marlboro, the brand associated today with the rugged manliness of the “Marlboro Man” cowboy of later decades, was actually introduced to the market in 1927 as a woman’s cigarette. It wasn’t until 1954, after the war, that Marlboro underwent a sex change to compete with the three other top cigarette manufacturers.

Debs – img6969

by

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Women’s cigarettes from the first half of the 20th century often emphasized femininity. Perhaps the logic was that if a woman wasn’t interested in femininity, then presumably she would be fine with a cigarette targeting men. For example, early Marlboros featured “red beauty tips to match your lips and fingertips” and “ivory tips to protect the lips.” Similarly, Benson & Hedges released Debs Rose Tips, which included a red tip to avoid lipstick smudging and to avoid “unsightly” lipstick stains on cigarette butts which, supposedly, disturb “masculine sensibilities.” Quotes from the ads, such as “Men like women to smoke Debs” reveal the centrality of sex appeal and sexual attraction in cigarette advertising, even as early as the 1940s. The ads claim that “men like women to smoke Debs for nearly all men have an innate dislike of a cigarette with a lipstick-smeared end and lips with half-erased color.” If this statement sounds ridiculous to women, the ads poo-poo these doubts by explaining that “A woman would have to be a man to know how intensely he dislikes a smeared cigarette and messy lips—for he never will tell her.”

Though the ads do claim Debs are mild, they also claim that the cigarettes contain a “mannish tobacco blend that does not steal from taste to achieve mildness.” In fact, the ads clam that this “mannish blend” goes “straight to the spot of smoking pleasure.” The cigarette claims to have it all – allowing a woman to present an outward appearance of femininity and gentleness, while secretly enjoying the pleasures of a man.

Capri – img9933

by

Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Stinky – img12947

by

The tobacco industry invests heavily in marketing their products and spends billions of dollars each year to ensure their advertisements are effective in recruiting new smokers and maintaining the loyalty of veteran smokers (1). These ads have played a huge role in shaping the image of the smoker into someone positive and desirable. The men in these ads are portrayed as masculine, charismatic, and desirable to women, while the women featured in the ads are beautiful, sexy, and independent. Since the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act in 1970 banned cigarette advertisements from American radio and television and the 1997 Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement further regulated tobacco advertising, tobacco ads are much less prominent in the media. However, advertisements have not completely disappeared from magazines, point-of-sale store windows, and mailers. Furthermore, the image of the smoker as a rebel lives on in the media, reflected with high visibility in rock stars and in movies. When millions of people see these beautiful and talented celebrities smoking, it’s difficult for young people to believe these cigarettes can make anyone unattractive.

The anti-tobacco advertisements in this theme attempt to counter that very notion. According to the ads in this theme, “smoking makes you ugly.” Smoking can make a person physically ugly by changing the person’s appearance, such as discoloring teeth, aging skin,or causing bad breath. Smoking can also make a person unattractive socially, and these ads try to convince their audience that, contrary to tobacco industry advertisements, cigarettes do not make a person look sexy.

Aspects that affect the social image of adolescents are significant factors in many of the decisions and actions adolescents make. Being attractive to the opposite sex is related to social image, and for some middle adolescents (high school age), smoking is thought to make this goal more attainable (2, 3). Thus, young smokers are susceptible to the portrayal of smokers as attractive in the media, and it is important to address this in anti-smoking campaigns.

However, the theme of attractiveness has similar qualities to ads that stress long-term health effects and social image. Unfortunately, these kinds of ads seem to have limited effectiveness on the youth population. According to Goldman & Glantz 1998, ads that stress the long-term effects of smoking are moderately effective among adults, but not effective on youth populations (4). Most young smokers are aware of the health threats of smoking but, at the moment, they see no signs of these effects in themselves or in their peers, and it is difficult for them to find truth in what appear to be empty threats. Adolescents often feel invincible and many believe they will be able to quit before they are affected. Ads that threaten romantic rejection by smoking, which is implied in many of these ads about attractiveness and appearance, have been found to be ineffective in either youth or adult populations (4). Anti-smoking messages that attempt to denormalize smoking need to show teens, rather than tell them, that smoking does not improve their social image.

One other point to consider about these anti-smoking ads is the attractiveness level of the model. People are more willing to overlook negative habits like smoking when a person is attractive. If the model is more attractive in the ad, the ad will also be better recalled. Thus, these ads may be more effective if they show the transformation of a beautiful person into someone hideous as a result of smoking. The transformation must be something believable, like a personal testament or before-and-after pictures, because the claims must override what people see in reality, which are usually no immediate effects from smoking (5).

REFERENCES:

1. Aloise-Young PA, Hennigan KM, Graham JW. Role of the Self-Image and Smoker
Stereotype in Smoking Onset During Early Adolescence: A Longitudinal Study. Health Psychology 1996; 15(6): 494-497.

2. Barton J, Chassin L, Presson CC, Sherman SJ. Social Image Factors as Motivators of
Smoking Initiation in Early and Middle Adolescence. Child Development 1982; 53(6): 1499-1511.

3. Federal Trade Commission. Cigarette Report for 2006. Issued August 2009.
4.Goldman LK, Glantz SA. Evaluation of Antismoking Advertising Campaigns. JAMA
1998; 279: 772-777.

4.Shadel WG, Craig SF, Tharp-Taylor S. Uncovering the most effective active
ingredients of antismoking public service announcements: The role of actor and message characteristics. Nicotine Tob Res 2009; 11(5): 547-552.

High Fashion – img0578

by

Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Mass Marketing Begins – img7548

by

As the threat of tobacco prohibition from temperance unions settled down in the late 1920s, tobacco companies became bolder with their approach to targeting women through advertisements, openly targeting women in an attempt to broaden their market and increase sales. The late 1920s saw the beginnings of major mass marketing campaigns designed specifically to target women. “Cigarette manufacturers have for a long time subtly suggested in some of their advertising that women smoked,” a New York Times article from 1927 reveals. But Chesterfield’s 1927 “Blow some my way” campaign was transparent to the public even at the time of printing, and soon after, the campaigns became less and less subtle. In 1928, Lucky Strike introduced its “Cream of the Crop” campaign, featuring celebrity testimonials from female smokers, and then followed with “Reach for a Lucky Instead of a Sweet” in 1929, designed to prey on female insecurities about weight and diet. As the decade turned, many cigarette brands came out of the woodwork and joined in on unabashedly targeting women by illustrating women smoking, rather than hinting at it.

You've Come A
Long Way, Baby – img0914

by

Virginia Slims is a cigarette brand developed by Philip Morris in 1968 and marketed exclusively to women. Its early advertising campaigns exploited civil rights movements of the ‘60s with the slogan, “You’ve come a long way, baby,” a slogan which has lasted into modern times. The brand’s advertising methods continue to present Virginia Slims as the choice for strong, independent, liberated women. The 1990s slogan “It’s a woman thing” and the slogan of the 2000s, “Find Your Voice,” both signify that empowerment and feminism remain key leveraging mechanisms for the brand. An ad from 1995, for example, features a man wearing an apron and preparing a meal in the kitchen as a woman hugs him, cigarette in hand; the text reads, “Equality comes with no apron strings attached.” Often, these ads distract from the position of power Big Tobacco itself holds over both sexes, by pitting women against society instead of against the tobacco industry.

Additionally, marketing for Virginia Slims harnesses the power of fashion. Many print advertisements portray women in fashion-forward outfits and make references to fashion: “I’m a skyhigh pair of platforms in a closet full of flats,” an ad from 2001 boasts. The cigarettes themselves are longer and narrower than average cigarettes, reflected by the name “Slims.” This adoption of the word “slim” and indeed, sometimes even “superslim,” is a clear reference to a woman’s figure. A slim, slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. The Virginia Slims brand portrays a subliminal, indirect message that Virginia Slims cigarettes will result in its smokers obtaining or maintaining a slim figure.

Marlboro – img1070

by

This is an example of one of the earlier Marlboro ads, which marketed Marlboro cigarettes as being “Mild as May” to attract a female audience. This advertisement takes the next step by actually illustrating a fashionable woman smoking elegantly. In large letters, this ad mentions that Marlboros have “Ivory Tips” to “protect the lips,” targeting women who are concerned with protecting their lipstick. The woman pictured wears very dark lipstick, but her absurdly large cigarette is clean from any lipstick stains. Marlboro, the brand associated today with the rugged manliness of the “Marlboro Man” cowboy of later decades, was actually introduced to the market in 1927 as a woman’s cigarette. It wasn’t until 1954, after the war, that Marlboro underwent a sex change to compete with the three other top cigarette manufacturers.

Capri – img9934

by

Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img9964

by

Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Freedom Lifestyle – img22509

by

Freedom marketing is pervasive in electronic cigarette (e-cig) marketing because unlike combustible tobacco products, the electronic devices are not regulated. A freedom based advertising theme that is consistently advertised by e-cig companies is free lifestyle.

Many e-cig brands through images and slogans evoke the emotion of “moments” of freedom and offer the promise of a free lifestyle and the freedom to smoke anywhere, without the worry of smoke-free policies. For instance, an ad for Veppo that features an open stretch of an empty road contains the tagline, “personal vaporizers, the pursuit of true freedom.” An ad for Smoko features a woman in a carefree pose with her head up and arms help open as she enjoys the sea breeze. The ad says, “enjoy your freedom wherever you are.” An ad for Blu has a carefree woman balancing herself on a ledge, which says, “freedom for the taking.”

E-cig brands market freedom based messages both through traditional advertising in magazines and billboards and through direct consumer interactions through social media channels. Blu Cigs frequently posts on its Facebook page with images associated with a free lifestyle and with posts asking followers to comment on their own “freedom stories.” VaporFi has a post that shows the wide open landscape and a man on top of a mountain. The image has nothing to do with the product but is just another example of e-cig brands trying to associate nothing to do with their product, but simply an association of this “free moment” and vaping.

Many e-cig brands aggressively attempting to capture the youth market are using freedom based advertising messages. Scientific studies1 have shown that adolescents desire autonomy and the ability to live life on their own terms. e-cig advertisements with images of free lifestyle and rebellion are just a few of the advertising techniques used by the e-cig companies to court adolescents.

1. Daddis, C. (2011), Desire for Increased Autonomy and Adolescents’ Perceptions of Peer Autonomy: “Everyone Else Can; Why Can’t I?”. Child Development, 82: 1310–1326. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01587.x

Stinky – img12948

by

The tobacco industry invests heavily in marketing their products and spends billions of dollars each year to ensure their advertisements are effective in recruiting new smokers and maintaining the loyalty of veteran smokers (1). These ads have played a huge role in shaping the image of the smoker into someone positive and desirable. The men in these ads are portrayed as masculine, charismatic, and desirable to women, while the women featured in the ads are beautiful, sexy, and independent. Since the Public Health Cigarette Smoking Act in 1970 banned cigarette advertisements from American radio and television and the 1997 Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement further regulated tobacco advertising, tobacco ads are much less prominent in the media. However, advertisements have not completely disappeared from magazines, point-of-sale store windows, and mailers. Furthermore, the image of the smoker as a rebel lives on in the media, reflected with high visibility in rock stars and in movies. When millions of people see these beautiful and talented celebrities smoking, it’s difficult for young people to believe these cigarettes can make anyone unattractive.

The anti-tobacco advertisements in this theme attempt to counter that very notion. According to the ads in this theme, “smoking makes you ugly.” Smoking can make a person physically ugly by changing the person’s appearance, such as discoloring teeth, aging skin,or causing bad breath. Smoking can also make a person unattractive socially, and these ads try to convince their audience that, contrary to tobacco industry advertisements, cigarettes do not make a person look sexy.

Aspects that affect the social image of adolescents are significant factors in many of the decisions and actions adolescents make. Being attractive to the opposite sex is related to social image, and for some middle adolescents (high school age), smoking is thought to make this goal more attainable (2, 3). Thus, young smokers are susceptible to the portrayal of smokers as attractive in the media, and it is important to address this in anti-smoking campaigns.

However, the theme of attractiveness has similar qualities to ads that stress long-term health effects and social image. Unfortunately, these kinds of ads seem to have limited effectiveness on the youth population. According to Goldman & Glantz 1998, ads that stress the long-term effects of smoking are moderately effective among adults, but not effective on youth populations (4). Most young smokers are aware of the health threats of smoking but, at the moment, they see no signs of these effects in themselves or in their peers, and it is difficult for them to find truth in what appear to be empty threats. Adolescents often feel invincible and many believe they will be able to quit before they are affected. Ads that threaten romantic rejection by smoking, which is implied in many of these ads about attractiveness and appearance, have been found to be ineffective in either youth or adult populations (4). Anti-smoking messages that attempt to denormalize smoking need to show teens, rather than tell them, that smoking does not improve their social image.

One other point to consider about these anti-smoking ads is the attractiveness level of the model. People are more willing to overlook negative habits like smoking when a person is attractive. If the model is more attractive in the ad, the ad will also be better recalled. Thus, these ads may be more effective if they show the transformation of a beautiful person into someone hideous as a result of smoking. The transformation must be something believable, like a personal testament or before-and-after pictures, because the claims must override what people see in reality, which are usually no immediate effects from smoking (5).

REFERENCES:

1. Aloise-Young PA, Hennigan KM, Graham JW. Role of the Self-Image and Smoker
Stereotype in Smoking Onset During Early Adolescence: A Longitudinal Study. Health Psychology 1996; 15(6): 494-497.

2. Barton J, Chassin L, Presson CC, Sherman SJ. Social Image Factors as Motivators of
Smoking Initiation in Early and Middle Adolescence. Child Development 1982; 53(6): 1499-1511.

3. Federal Trade Commission. Cigarette Report for 2006. Issued August 2009.
4.Goldman LK, Glantz SA. Evaluation of Antismoking Advertising Campaigns. JAMA
1998; 279: 772-777.

4.Shadel WG, Craig SF, Tharp-Taylor S. Uncovering the most effective active
ingredients of antismoking public service announcements: The role of actor and message characteristics. Nicotine Tob Res 2009; 11(5): 547-552.

High Fashion – img0579

by

Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Capri – img9935

by

Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img9970

by

Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Newport Pleasures – img4940

by

When menthol cigarettes were first brought to market, they were advertised to the general population as an occasional cigarette to smoke when sick or suffering from smoker’s cough. However, the 1960s brought along the beginnings of a different image for the menthol cigarette. In 1969 alone, Lorillard increased its “Negro market budget” by 87% over 1968 due to increased efforts marketing its menthol cigarette, Newport, to the African American market. Likewise, British American Tobacco doubled their budget from 1968 to 1969 in order to increase African-American radio station coverage for its menthol cigarette, Kool (1). Government surveys in 2011 revealed that menthol cigarettes dominate 30% of the overall market, and over 80% of black smokers prefer menthol as opposed to 22% of non-Hispanic white smokers (2).

Recent menthol ads are clearly marketed toward a younger, urban demographic. Many of the ads feature models of a variety of ethnicities, and African Americans are particularly targeted. Recent Salem ads from the 2000s feature the slogan, “Stir the senses,” and each ad depicts a model smoking in green, mentholated ecstasy. Other Salem ads from the 2000s reveal clear youth targeting through a risk-taking appeal. For example, one of the ads presents an “underground” party, another presents a couple with an intertwining, extreme tattoo, and a third presents a scantily clad woman riding on the back of a man’s motorcycle – all in urban settings.

Kool’s advertisements from 2005 used the slogan “Be True,” which urged consumers to not only be true to themselves, but also to be true and loyal to the brand. Accompanying the “Be True” slogan was a variety of phrases such as “Be Passionate,” “Be Original,” “Be Smooth,” and “Be Bold,” all of which appeal to adolescents and young adults trying to “find themselves” and develop a sense of self. The “Be True” ads largely feature musicians, ranging from guitar players to disc jockeys, and their ethnicities are also noticeably diverse. In our collection, Asians, African Americans, and Caucasians are all represented in the “Be True” ad campaign. Other Kool campaigns from the 2000s, like “House of Menthol,” are more transparently urban-oriented, featuring boom boxes, speaker systems, microphones, graffiti, or skyscrapers. A subset of these ads features the “Kool Mixx” which claims to “celebrate the soundtrack to the streets” through limited edition cigarette packs. Urban youth were clearly a priority.

1. “A Study of Ethnic Markets.” R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. Sept 1969. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/paq76b00

2. Wilson, Duff. “Advisory Panel urges F.D.A. to re-examine menthol in cigarettes.” The New York Times. 18 March 2011. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/19/business/19tobacco.html

When menthol cigarettes were first brought to market, they were advertised to the general population as an occasional cigarette to smoke when sick or suffering from smoker’s cough. However, the 1960s brought along the beginnings of a different image for the menthol cigarette. In 1969 alone, Lorillard increased its “Negro market budget” by 87% over 1968 due to increased efforts marketing its menthol cigarette, Newport, to the African American market. Likewise, British American Tobacco doubled their budget from 1968 to 1969 in order to increase African-American radio station coverage for its menthol cigarette, Kool (1). Government surveys in 2011 revealed that menthol cigarettes dominate 30% of the overall market, and over 80% of black smokers prefer menthol as opposed to 22% of non-Hispanic white smokers (2).

Recent menthol ads are clearly marketed toward a younger, urban demographic. Many of the ads feature models of a variety of ethnicities, and African Americans are particularly targeted. Recent Salem ads from the 2000s feature the slogan, “Stir the senses,” and each ad depicts a model smoking in green, mentholated ecstasy. Other Salem ads from the 2000s reveal clear youth targeting through a risk-taking appeal. For example, one of the ads presents an “underground” party, another presents a couple with an intertwining, extreme tattoo, and a third presents a scantily clad woman riding on the back of a man’s motorcycle – all in urban settings.

Kool’s advertisements from 2005 used the slogan “Be True,” which urged consumers to not only be true to themselves, but also to be true and loyal to the brand. Accompanying the “Be True” slogan was a variety of phrases such as “Be Passionate,” “Be Original,” “Be Smooth,” and “Be Bold,” all of which appeal to adolescents and young adults trying to “find themselves” and develop a sense of self. The “Be True” ads largely feature musicians, ranging from guitar players to disc jockeys, and their ethnicities are also noticeably diverse. In our collection, Asians, African Americans, and Caucasians are all represented in the “Be True” ad campaign. Other Kool campaigns from the 2000s, like “House of Menthol,” are more transparently urban-oriented, featuring boom boxes, speaker systems, microphones, graffiti, or skyscrapers. A subset of these ads features the “Kool Mixx” which claims to “celebrate the soundtrack to the streets” through limited edition cigarette packs. Urban youth were clearly a priority.

1. “A Study of Ethnic Markets.” R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. Sept 1969. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/paq76b00

2. Wilson, Duff. “Advisory Panel urges F.D.A. to re-examine menthol in cigarettes.” The New York Times. 18 March 2011. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/19/business/19tobacco.html

When menthol cigarettes were first brought to market, they were advertised to the general population as an occasional cigarette to smoke when sick or suffering from smoker’s cough. However, the 1960s brought along the beginnings of a different image for the menthol cigarette. In 1969 alone, Lorillard increased its “Negro market budget” by 87% over 1968 due to increased efforts marketing its menthol cigarette, Newport, to the African American market. Likewise, British American Tobacco doubled their budget from 1968 to 1969 in order to increase African-American radio station coverage for its menthol cigarette, Kool (1). Government surveys in 2011 revealed that menthol cigarettes dominate 30% of the overall market, and over 80% of black smokers prefer menthol as opposed to 22% of non-Hispanic white smokers (2).

Recent menthol ads are clearly marketed toward a younger, urban demographic. Many of the ads feature models of a variety of ethnicities, and African Americans are particularly targeted. Recent Salem ads from the 2000s feature the slogan, “Stir the senses,” and each ad depicts a model smoking in green, mentholated ecstasy. Other Salem ads from the 2000s reveal clear youth targeting through a risk-taking appeal. For example, one of the ads presents an “underground” party, another presents a couple with an intertwining, extreme tattoo, and a third presents a scantily clad woman riding on the back of a man’s motorcycle – all in urban settings.

Kool’s advertisements from 2005 used the slogan “Be True,” which urged consumers to not only be true to themselves, but also to be true and loyal to the brand. Accompanying the “Be True” slogan was a variety of phrases such as “Be Passionate,” “Be Original,” “Be Smooth,” and “Be Bold,” all of which appeal to adolescents and young adults trying to “find themselves” and develop a sense of self. The “Be True” ads largely feature musicians, ranging from guitar players to disc jockeys, and their ethnicities are also noticeably diverse. In our collection, Asians, African Americans, and Caucasians are all represented in the “Be True” ad campaign. Other Kool campaigns from the 2000s, like “House of Menthol,” are more transparently urban-oriented, featuring boom boxes, speaker systems, microphones, graffiti, or skyscrapers. A subset of these ads features the “Kool Mixx” which claims to “celebrate the soundtrack to the streets” through limited edition cigarette packs. Urban youth were clearly a priority.

1. “A Study of Ethnic Markets.” R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. Sept 1969. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/paq76b00

2. Wilson, Duff. “Advisory Panel urges F.D.A. to re-examine menthol in cigarettes.” The New York Times. 18 March 2011. http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/19/business/19tobacco.html

Targeting Black Women – img8592

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In targeting black women, tobacco companies often portray an image of a strong, independent black woman. Increasingly, in the 1960s and 1970s, models wearing “naturals” or Afros began popping up in ads for Newport, L&M, Kent, Kool, and many more. A Kent ad from 1968 features a glamorous black woman wearing an Afro and luxurious jewelry next to the slogan, “Kent smokes… and that’s where it’s at.” Recent Salem ads from the 2000s feature the slogan, “Stir the senses,” and each ad depicts a sexy black woman smoking in green, mentholated ecstasy. A Camel ad from 2001 portrays a beautiful black woman singing in a nightclub in the “diva” tradition of Whitney Houston and Beyoncé Knowles. A Virginia Slims campaign from roughly the same time used the slogan “Find Your Voice” coupled with images of strong African women. For example, an ad from the campaign in 2000 features a woman in traditional clothing, balancing bolts of fabric on her head. The text beside her, half in Swahili, reads,”Kila mtu ana uzuri wake – No single institution owns the copyright for BEAUTY.” In this way, Virginia Slims portrays an image of accepting diverse standards of beauty.

Freedom Lifestyle – img22510

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Freedom marketing is pervasive in electronic cigarette (e-cig) marketing because unlike combustible tobacco products, the electronic devices are not regulated. A freedom based advertising theme that is consistently advertised by e-cig companies is free lifestyle.

Many e-cig brands through images and slogans evoke the emotion of “moments” of freedom and offer the promise of a free lifestyle and the freedom to smoke anywhere, without the worry of smoke-free policies. For instance, an ad for Veppo that features an open stretch of an empty road contains the tagline, “personal vaporizers, the pursuit of true freedom.” An ad for Smoko features a woman in a carefree pose with her head up and arms help open as she enjoys the sea breeze. The ad says, “enjoy your freedom wherever you are.” An ad for Blu has a carefree woman balancing herself on a ledge, which says, “freedom for the taking.”

E-cig brands market freedom based messages both through traditional advertising in magazines and billboards and through direct consumer interactions through social media channels. Blu Cigs frequently posts on its Facebook page with images associated with a free lifestyle and with posts asking followers to comment on their own “freedom stories.” VaporFi has a post that shows the wide open landscape and a man on top of a mountain. The image has nothing to do with the product but is just another example of e-cig brands trying to associate nothing to do with their product, but simply an association of this “free moment” and vaping.

Many e-cig brands aggressively attempting to capture the youth market are using freedom based advertising messages. Scientific studies1 have shown that adolescents desire autonomy and the ability to live life on their own terms. e-cig advertisements with images of free lifestyle and rebellion are just a few of the advertising techniques used by the e-cig companies to court adolescents.

1. Daddis, C. (2011), Desire for Increased Autonomy and Adolescents’ Perceptions of Peer Autonomy: “Everyone Else Can; Why Can’t I?”. Child Development, 82: 1310–1326. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2011.01587.x

Vapor Couture – img18765

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Unsurprisingly, electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies have followed in the footsteps of the combustible tobacco industry by creating a distinct market pool for women. Vapor Couture is one of two e-cig brands operated and managed by VMR Products. Unlike the marketing of its sister brand, V2 Cigs, Vapor Couture exclusively targets women and markets its product via glamour and femininity.

In it product design, advertising and marketing, Vapor Couture follows in the footsteps of Virginia Slims and Camel 9. The product is slender, with a crystal tip, and is often packaged in a sleek box that resembles a make-up accessory rather than a traditional cigarette case. Additionally, Vapor Couture advertisements attempt to epitomize a woman-only product by emphasizing fashion, accessories, and makeup – all adorned in hot pink, royal purple, and crystal backgrounds. The e-cigs themselves and come in atypical flavor names such as “Bomb Shell” and “Rodeo Drive”. As is well known, “Bomb shell” is a term used to describe attractive women and Rodeo Drive is known as the embodiment of the glam, high-fashion lifestyle in Beverly Hills, California.

Ads for Vapor Couture often feature images of independent and successful women. The ads are accompanied by catchy slogans such as, “Womanly Vaping Experience” and “Made for Women” or “ Your Life. Your Style” and “What’s Your Style?” The slogans suggest the empowerment of women as well as feminine individuality. Vapor Couture’s marketing obviously tries to play off of a certain desired woman’s figure and social image. For Vapor Couture, its e-cigs serve as a chic fashion accessory.

Ultra Light – img3150

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The ads in this theme outline the deceptive advertisement campaigns for “Ultra Light” cigarettes, a sub-category of so-called “light” cigarettes which is supposed to contain even less tar and nicotine. Sometimes referred to simply as “Ultra” cigarettes, Ultra Lights came into popularity in the early 1980s, and generally reported about half the tar and nicotine content of ordinary Light cigarettes. Many of the ads within this theme present ultra lights as carefree, However, the FDA has determined that all categories of previously-deemed “Light” cigarettes are no safer than regular cigarettes. In fact, internal industry documents reveal that from the very beginning, tobacco companies were well aware that smokers compensated for the low-nicotine draw from light cigarettes by changing their smoking behaviors.

“Light” cigarettes came in varying degrees of reported “tar” delivery levels. According to a Philip Morris Inter-office memo from 1987, those cigarettes which have tar delivery levels of less than 14 mg are considered “Light” and those with levels under 6 mg are considered “Ultra Light” (1). These designations were generic categories that extended across cigarette brands.

Ultra Light cigarettes, like Lights, are no safer than other cigarettes, but have been misleadingly portrayed as such by tobacco companies. Since the FDA was granted regulatory authority over tobacco products in 2009, it has begun to crack down on these designations, banning tobacco companies from using words such as “mild,” “low,” or “light” as of July, 2010. Unsurprisingly, tobacco manufacturers have figured out a creative way to escape this regulation: Now, they rely on color-coding: red indicates regular; dark green indicates menthol; light green, blue, or gold indicate previously “light” cigarettes; and silver or orange indicate previously “ultra light” cigarettes. A 2007 ad for Pall Mall, featured in this theme, reveals that the tobacco companies were prepared for this change: “BRIGHT NOW. Introducing Orange Box for Ultra Light.” The other designations and their corresponding pack colors are also featured so that consumers could figure out which color indicated which “health” designation for future purchases.

1. Weintraub, Jeff. “Identification Based on ‘Tar’ Deliveries.’ 9 Nov 1987. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jcj16e00

Never a Rough Puff – img3289

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Tobacco companies have been advertising their particular brands as “mild” since the first half of the 20th century. From the start, smokers were aware that smoking irritated the throat, causing discomfort or “smoker’s hack.” Though serious health effects of smoking, like lung cancer, emphysema, and heart attack, were not yet identified in the first half of the 20th century, the seemingly benign side effects such as sore throat and cough were certainly bothersome to smokers.

To counteract the sentiment that certain cigarettes were “harsh” and thereby worse for your health, cigarette companies began touting “mildness,” a ploy that has lasted well into the 21st century. By reassuring smokers that a particular brand was “mild,” tobacco companies succeeded in hooking consumers and preventing them from quitting.

After appealing to smokers’ desires for throat ease for years, the American Tobacco Company issued the penultimate mild campaign in 1950: “There’s never a rough puff in a Lucky.” The campaign included celebrity testimonials – an advertising technique Lucky Strike perfected – but also urged consumers to “let your own taste and throat be the judge.” Like many of Lucky’s advertisements at the time, this campaign claimed that Lucky Strikes were “free and easy on the draw,” clearly a synonym for mild.

Sex Sells – img3771

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Tobacco companies know as much as anybody that “sex sells,” and they have no qualms with making use of phallic symbols or with objectifying women to sell their products.

Beginning in the 1880s and lasting well into the 20th century, cigarette manufacturers placed a piece of cardstock inside every pack of cigarettes so the packs would maintain their shape. They soon began including pictures of provocative women in lingerie on the cardstock (as well as images of baseball players, the precursor to collectable baseball cards) in order to attract more men into purchasing the cigarettes. Eroticism continued to play a large role in cigarette advertisements, and by the late 1930s, pin-up girls were frequently used in cigarette advertisements to appeal further to male audiences.

As the advertising business matured over time, so too did its foray into selling products through sex, at times blatantly obvious, and in other moments alluringly subtle. The 1968 Tiparillo advertisements, in the “Should a gentleman offer a Tiparillo” campaign, are shameless in their objectification of women, featuring scantily clad or nearly nude models baring absurd amounts of cleavage. Other tobacco ads exploit the “sex sells” market through innuendo and subliminal messaging. Many ads use phallic imagery to associate tobacco products with masculinity and virility. A 1997 ad for Celestino cigars, for example, features a man holding a giant surfboard, which on the surface resembles a giant cigar; closer inspection reveals that the surfboard/cigar duo is also a phallic symbol, allying the cigar brand with extreme masculinity. Similarly subtle, an ad for Greys cigarettes, from the late 1930s, displays a depiction of a man with a drooping cigarette “before smoking Greys,” and then with an erect cigarette “after smoking greys.” Additionally, the man, who had previously been bald, has managed to grow a full head of hair after smoking the cigarette! An L&M ad from 1962 follows the same tactics; a man’s cigarette sticks straight up as he glances over at a woman, who eyes his cigarette as she sensuously takes one of her own. The slogan below the image reads, “When a cigarette means a lot…”

Perhaps the most recognizable recent campaign to use such techniques is the Joe Camel campaign, which lasted up until 1999; Joe Camel’s face is drawn to resemble a scrotum. More recently still, 21st century Silk Cut admen were masters of subliminal messaging. One Silk Cut ad, for example, features a piece of silk with a hole cut out, a can with a sharp point aimed directly at the hole, and a torn piece of silk hanging off the can’s point to indicate insertion has been made.

This theme merely grazes the surface of the extent to which tobacco advertisements rely on sex to sell their products.

High Fashion – img0580

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Throughout the decades, tobacco companies have capitalized on fashion, glamour and beauty to market their products to women. Most notably, in 1934, Lucky Strike staged a “Green Ball” at New York City’s Waldorf-Astoria, with every intention of making green, the then-color of a Lucky Strike pack, more fashionable for women so they would buy Luckies; fashion designers, reporters, socialites and many other influential people in the fashion world were in attendance at the Green Ball, while everyone thought some mysterious benefactor hosted the event. The 1920s saw the fashionable yet daring woman emerge in cigarette ads, while the 1930s saw a glamorous beauty, dripping in luxury. The Great Depression was the impetus for this latter type of woman, dressed in a ball gown, fur and gloves and jewels. The everyday woman could live vicariously, or might feel that she could adopt some of that luxury for herself by smoking the brand of cigarette advertised. Often, tobacco companies turned to chic celebrities to hawk their products, relying on their trendsetting ways to make the sell. Fashion trends change, but tobacco companies’ addiction to manipulating women through these trends has not changed. The models in Virginia Slims advertisements of the 1980s wore fashions which scream ‘80s, and the women in the ads of today can be seen in anything from trendy resort wear in a tropical setting to skin-revealing club wear. Whatever the case, tobacco companies know that if a woman sees a model in an ad who looks attractive, she will want to emulate her.

Capri – img9936

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Brown & Williamson launched Capri as the first ever “super slim” cigarette in 1987, targeting young women. Traditional cigarettes have a circumference of 25 mm, slim cigarettes 23 mm, and Capri Super Slims only 17 mm. Advertisements for Capri follow the logic that slimmer is better, apparently influenced by the assumption that women prefer to be physically slim, since a slender figure is often presented as more desirable in women’s fashion magazines and by models in the fashion industry. Slogans such as “The slimmest slim in town” (1988) and “There is no slimmer way to smoke” (1994) provides a not-so-subliminal message that by smoking Capri cigarettes, consumers can count on obtaining or maintaining a slimmer figure than everyone else.

Max – img9967

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Max, a cigarette brand for women featuring cigarettes 120 mm in length, was introduced in 1975 by Lorillard on the heels of Liggett & Myers’ Eve 120s (1973) and R.J. Reynolds’ More cigarettes (1974). Featuring 20 mm of extra length beyond the 100 mm “king size” (which is already significantly longer than the 85 mm of a traditional cigarette), Max advertised a fashionable, sexy, “healthier” cigarette.

Ads from the 1970s featured stylish women who explained, “The longer they are, the fewer I smoke.” Because the statement is completely false, the woman goes on to say, “It’s wacky, but it works. Max 120’s take longer to smoke so you don’t light up as often.” The truth of the matter is that the human body will seek a certain amount of nicotine to feed addiction, regardless of the length of the cigarette.

Other Max ads marketed the brand as sexy, comparing Max cigarettes to an attractive man named Max: “Say hello to Max,” ads from 1975 read. “Hello long, lean and delicious.” Another ad urges the consumer to “Make friends with Max.” Still, other ads concentrated on the fashionable aspect of the cigarette, much like most women’s cigarettes. These ads, which reached into the 1980s, presented the cigarette as an accessory for any outfit, featuring fashion-forward models under a slogan advising consumers to “Wear a Max today.” Further, these “Wear a Max” ads spoke to feminine concerns with beauty, claiming that the cigarette is “long, lean” and “great looking,” insinuating that by smoking an attractive cigarette, the smoker will be attractive, too.

Smoke Anywhere – img16993

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Freedom is possibly America’s most treasured value. Protected in the “Bill of Rights,” it is a deeply held core belief that to many Americans was a birthright and to some a hard fought victory. Given its hold on the American psyche, it has been used as a powerful marketing tool to hawk products as diverse as airplane tickets for Southwest Airlines, which calls itself “A Symbol of Freedom,” to getting a good night’s sleep with Dacron pillows, which is “America’s Freedom Fabric,” to the freedom to discover the road ahead with Chevrolet’s “Find New Roads,” and the freedom to “Just Do it” with Nike products.

E-cigarette (e-cig) companies have jumped on the freedom bandwagon and promise many kinds of freedom to vapers. A key selling point touted by e-cig companies is that their products can be used in places where smoking of traditional cigarettes is banned, like bars, restaurants, on flights, and in entertainment and sporting venues. An ad for Vapestick shows a woman vaping her e-cig in bed. The slogan of the ad reads, “Looks, Feels, and Tastes like a Real Cigarette That You Can Smoke Anywhere!”. A Cannastick ad shows people enjoying a concert under the caption “The Freedom to Vape Anywhere.” An ad for Cigana has the image of an airplane and is accompanied by the following text, “Smoke without the smoke…. Smoke like no one is watching.” A Vega Vapor ad tells consumers that many “local establishments are vapor friendly.”

The Smoke Anywhere theme is also widely publicized on brand websites. For instance, Blu e-cigs, says on its website, “blu e-cigs® electronic cigarettes are not traditional cigarettes and do not burn tobacco, so they can be smoked in bars, restaurants, offices and other places where normal smoking bans are in effect.” Fin e-cigs on its website says the brand is for individuals “…who want the freedom to smoke in places where traditional cigarettes are not permitted.

While e-cigs offer many freedoms to its users, a freedom that it cannot offer but it often promises is the freedom to smoke anywhere. Despite ads, eg. Blu and Vapestick, that show individuals vape on airplanes, the US Department of Transportation has issued guidelines restricting the use of e-cigs on flights. More restaurants are also coming forward to ban vaping on their premises. For instance, fast food giant Taco Bell has banned vaping in its premises.

Vapor Couture – img18766

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Unsurprisingly, electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies have followed in the footsteps of the combustible tobacco industry by creating a distinct market pool for women. Vapor Couture is one of two e-cig brands operated and managed by VMR Products. Unlike the marketing of its sister brand, V2 Cigs, Vapor Couture exclusively targets women and markets its product via glamour and femininity.

In it product design, advertising and marketing, Vapor Couture follows in the footsteps of Virginia Slims and Camel 9. The product is slender, with a crystal tip, and is often packaged in a sleek box that resembles a make-up accessory rather than a traditional cigarette case. Additionally, Vapor Couture advertisements attempt to epitomize a woman-only product by emphasizing fashion, accessories, and makeup – all adorned in hot pink, royal purple, and crystal backgrounds. The e-cigs themselves and come in atypical flavor names such as “Bomb Shell” and “Rodeo Drive”. As is well known, “Bomb shell” is a term used to describe attractive women and Rodeo Drive is known as the embodiment of the glam, high-fashion lifestyle in Beverly Hills, California.

Ads for Vapor Couture often feature images of independent and successful women. The ads are accompanied by catchy slogans such as, “Womanly Vaping Experience” and “Made for Women” or “ Your Life. Your Style” and “What’s Your Style?” The slogans suggest the empowerment of women as well as feminine individuality. Vapor Couture’s marketing obviously tries to play off of a certain desired woman’s figure and social image. For Vapor Couture, its e-cigs serve as a chic fashion accessory.

Nurses – img0154

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Along with doctors and dentists, nurses presented yet another health professional that had the potential to reassure consumers worried about the ill health effects of smoking. The none-too-subtle message was that if the nurse, with all of her expertise and her dedication to helping patients, chose to smoke a particular brand of cigarettes or even recommended a particular brand, then it must be safe.

As women began taking up the habit of smoking during the early 20th century, so did nurses in large numbers. It is interesting to note, however, that whereas the number of doctors who smoked plummeted drastically in the 1950s and 1960s when conclusive data linked smoking to lung cancer, smoking remained common among nurses. To this day, smoking is more prevalent among nurses than doctors in the United States. The Nurses’ Health Study shows that 8.4% of nurses smoked in 2003, whereas comparable data from 2005 from the Association of Medical Colleges reveals that only 1% of doctors smoke (1).

1. “Nurses’ Health Study shows nurses smoke more than doctors.” Nursing Times. 26 Nov 2008. .

Ultra Light – img3151

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The ads in this theme outline the deceptive advertisement campaigns for “Ultra Light” cigarettes, a sub-category of so-called “light” cigarettes which is supposed to contain even less tar and nicotine. Sometimes referred to simply as “Ultra” cigarettes, Ultra Lights came into popularity in the early 1980s, and generally reported about half the tar and nicotine content of ordinary Light cigarettes. Many of the ads within this theme present ultra lights as carefree, However, the FDA has determined that all categories of previously-deemed “Light” cigarettes are no safer than regular cigarettes. In fact, internal industry documents reveal that from the very beginning, tobacco companies were well aware that smokers compensated for the low-nicotine draw from light cigarettes by changing their smoking behaviors.

“Light” cigarettes came in varying degrees of reported “tar” delivery levels. According to a Philip Morris Inter-office memo from 1987, those cigarettes which have tar delivery levels of less than 14 mg are considered “Light” and those with levels under 6 mg are considered “Ultra Light” (1). These designations were generic categories that extended across cigarette brands.

Ultra Light cigarettes, like Lights, are no safer than other cigarettes, but have been misleadingly portrayed as such by tobacco companies. Since the FDA was granted regulatory authority over tobacco products in 2009, it has begun to crack down on these designations, banning tobacco companies from using words such as “mild,” “low,” or “light” as of July, 2010. Unsurprisingly, tobacco manufacturers have figured out a creative way to escape this regulation: Now, they rely on color-coding: red indicates regular; dark green indicates menthol; light green, blue, or gold indicate previously “light” cigarettes; and silver or orange indicate previously “ultra light” cigarettes. A 2007 ad for Pall Mall, featured in this theme, reveals that the tobacco companies were prepared for this change: “BRIGHT NOW. Introducing Orange Box for Ultra Light.” The other designations and their corresponding pack colors are also featured so that consumers could figure out which color indicated which “health” designation for future purchases.

1. Weintraub, Jeff. “Identification Based on ‘Tar’ Deliveries.’ 9 Nov 1987. Philip Morris. http://legacy.library.ucsf.edu/tid/jcj16e00