SRITA

Stanford Research into the Impact of Tobacco Advertising

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Mecca – img6380

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In the early 1900s, manufactures of Turkish and Egyptian cigarettes tripled their sales and became legitimate competitors to leading brands. One of the earliest successful Turkish cigarettes, Mecca was introduced by the Kinney Bros. Tobacco Company in 1878. The cigarette was named after the Muslim city of holy pilgrimage, Mecca, tying the cigarette closely to the exotic East. The American Tobacco Company acquired the Mecca brand in 1911 through the dissolution of the Cigarette Trust, accounting for the high quality of the Mecca advertisements in the following years. Mecca, along with other Turkish cigarette brands, referenced the “Oriental” roots of their Turkish tobacco blends through brand name, pack art and advertising images. In particular, many Mecca ads featured elegant, exotic turbaned men with heavy mustaches. The ads made use of vibrant, luxurious colors and imagery.

Sisterhood – img7410

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Chesterfield launched its “Best for You” campaign in 1950. The obvious message was that Chesterfields were the cigarette that was “best” for the smoker. It is unclear whether this slogan ironically implies that other cigarettes are bad for the smoker, and that Chesterfields are merely the lesser of the evils, or if the slogan is falsely claiming that all cigarettes are good for you, but that Chesterfields are best. Either way, the slogan was manipulative and misleading. Along with print advertisements, Chesterfield also featured the “Best for You” slogan on Perry Como’s Chesterfield radio show.

Despite the patently false and misleading health claims implicit in the slogan, the campaign lasted well into 1957. The campaign’s longevity may seem surprising in the face of the Federal Trade Commission's (FTC’s) 1955 advertising guidelines, which prohibited cigarette manufacturers from publishing claims regarding lower tar or lower nicotine without scientific proof. The guidelines proved to be relatively ineffective, with brands using dubious science to prove their figures. This continued until 1960 when the FTC and the tobacco manufacturers agreed to discontinue such tar and nicotine advertisements for good. However, everything reverted when, in 1966, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) reported that scientific evidence suggests that “the lower the tar and nicotine content of cigarette smoke, the less harmful would be the effect.” Though much later on, in 1994, this claim would be challenged and torn down by the FTC as false, it was widely accepted at the time. As a result, in 1966 the FTC discontinued its 1960 ruling which had banned tobacco companies from reporting tar and nicotine claims in advertising. This meant that misleading data on tar and nicotine content would continue in advertising well into the latter half of the twentieth century.

You're So Smart – img2042

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Tobacco companies promote filters through ads which promised health reassurance, although filters do little to truly reduce the hazards of smoking. Indeed, industry chemists were well aware that most filters actually removed no more tar and nicotine than would the same length of tobacco! Nonetheless, Madison Avenue stepped up to the challenge of selling filters as the “intelligent choice” for smokers worried about their health. Campaigns like these appealed to smokers who considered themselves upper class and educated. The idea was that these smokers felt obliged to quit smoking due to overwhelming health concerns, so Big Tobacco would give them every excuse not to quit.

The ads within this theme use the slogan “You’re so smart to smoke Parliaments.” This slogan works on at least three levels. By using the words “so smart,” the ad (1) works to appeal to a buyer’s intelligence, (2) refers to Parliaments as the “smart,” safe choice, and (3) plays on the double-meaning of “smart” as also fashionable and chic. This all-encompassing word leant the campaign staying power. The health claims which come across through the “smart” campaign are reflective of the advertised recessed filter unique to Parliaments, which, the ad claims, ensures that “only the flavor touches your lips,” rather than any harsh chemicals. By appealing to the buyer’s intelligence and fashion sense, the ad goes further than health claims, dabbling in the realms of self-esteem and appearance, well-known techniques used by advertisements to manipulate women.

Organic – img3610

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In 1991, Santa Fe Natural Tobacco Company, the makers of “100% additive-free natural tobacco cigarettes” brought “100% certified organic tobacco” to market. At first, this tobacco was made in small batches, and was only available as pouch tobacco. Later, they launched a line of cigarettes containing the organic tobacco, and advertised it as “THE ONLY CIGARETTE made with 100% organic tobacco.”

The organic movement has grown tremendously over the past couple decades, with natural food store chains like Whole Foods sweeping the nation, and Farmer’s Markets springing up in many young, hip neighborhoods. “Organic” has thus become an Eco buzz word which attracts the health-conscious young adult. Many Americans are willing to spend a little more money for a product which bears a label boasting one or more of these buzz words. The Natural American Spirit Web site promotes this action, explaining, “In order to encourage farmers to convert from conventional tobacco growing methods, we pay our growers almost twice as much per pound for organic tobacco as they would receive for conventionally grown tobacco.” This statement implies that organic tobacco is worth more money, and therefore must be beneficial.

Natural American Spirit goes the extra mile to target the recent wave of eco-friendly, progressive, environmentalists, who as a general rule, happen to be young and alternative – the classic target audience for cigarette manufacturers. They manage to hit all of the happening buzz words in their quest to promote themselves as virtuous and well-intentioned, masking the fact that they sell a harmful product, whether or not they do so in a “sustainable” way. Ad copy demonstrates the prolific use of buzz words: “We grow our premium natural tobacco in a responsible, sustainable way through our earth-friendly and organic growing programs. We also strive to reduce our footprint on the earth by using recycled materials and renewable energy sources like wind power. Protecting the earth is as important to us as it is to you.”

An Internal tobacco industry document reveals the marketing strategy and target audience explicitly(1). The document explains that the Natural American Spirit brand is “seeking health-conscious, ‘back-to-basics,’ YAS” (YAS is an industry acronym for Young Adult Smoker). The document also elucidates that Natural American Spirit cigarettes were only sold at specialty retail stores and natural foods stores in order to “maintain image as ‘alternative’ natural tob. [tobacco] supplier.” The targeted demographic groups are “Progressive young adults, Previous Camel Lights smokers, Generation X hippies, Naturalists, ecologists, [and] Alternative lifestyle smokers.”

Another internal tobacco document reveals that their “marketing appeals to consumers’ intelligence” by offering a “sense of full disclosure” (2). Publications like “Vegetarian Times” and “Mother Earth News” were primary outlets for advertising. Most shocking are the consumer quotes provided in this document: The document explains that “imagery reassures consumers about their choice to smoke,” with evidence from the following quote from a consumer’s letter: “Since using American Spirit cigarettes…my husband sees that his desire to smoke is as old and natural as humanity itself.” Finally, even though the company itself is not owned or operated by Native Americans in any way, the document confirms that Natural American Spirit “imagery also creates ties to American Indians,” as a consumer is quoted as saying, incorrectly, “I think it’s made by a Native American Company. I feel like I’m supporting a deserving group.”

Natural American Spirit advertisements printed after 2000 include an extra warning box in addition to the Surgeon General’s Warning. This message warns consumers that “No additives in our tobacco does NOT mean a safer cigarette.” The FTC mandated that Santa Fe Natural Tobacco include this warning, exactly as is on all of its Natural American Spirit ads (3). The hope was that this warning would alert consumers that natural tobacco does not mean safer tobacco. The 1995 industry document mentioned earlier revealed that there was a “perceived health benefit” to Natural American Spirit, with consumers reporting, unfounded, that “They’re a hell of a lot better for you” or “You feel it’s going to be better for you. It’s all natural” (2). The question is, did this perceived health benefit change after the FTC warning label mandate in 2000? If popular culture is any clue, the answer is no; As recently as 2008, the female protagonist, April (Isla Fisher), in the romantic comedy “Definitely, Maybe” discusses the health benefits she feels she receives when smoking Natural American Spirit cigarettes over Marlboros, the choice of the male protagonist, Will (Ryan Reynolds). When will asks incredulously why she is willing to pay so much for a pack of cigarettes, April responds that “They don’t put as many chemicals in them.” He pushes, “So those are healthy cigarettes,” and she says, “Something like that.” She also tells him, as he holds a pack of Marlboros tightly, “They put saltpeter in your cigarettes, which make them burn faster, which make you smoke more.” Clearly, perceived health benefits of natural cigarettes are still rampant in mainstream popular culture, a dangerous misconception.

Accuray – img46163

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In the 1950s, manufacturers of products ranging from ice cream to steel to cigarettes used “Accu-Ray” technology to ensure precision and quality control during production. When Chesterfield adopted Accu-Ray in 1953, the brand decided to use the technology as a marketing ploy, alerting consumers that state of the art modern methods were employed in the production of Chesterfield cigarettes. The implication was that the technology made the cigarette brand more healthy, when in fact all Accu-Ray did was measure consistency in the lengths of cigarettes and the amount of tobacco packed in each cigarette.

The Accu-Ray machine was shown in print advertisements with perfect cigarettes rolling down the conveyer belt and into the hands of a beautiful woman or handsome gentleman. Television commercials for Chesterfield also boasted the advancement, with a particular commercial airing a featured interview with Bert Chope, the president of Industrial Nucleonics, the makers of Accu-Ray. In the commercial, Chope explained how the machine worked in scientific terms: “It is a device by which a stream of electrons passes through and analyzes the product while it is actually being made. They transmit what they see to this electronic brain, which adjusts the production machinery for errors down to billionths of an inch.” his explanation was followed by Chope’s description of Accu-Ray’s effects on Chesterfields: “Every cigarette made with Accu-Ray Control contains a more precise measure of perfectly packed tobaccos, so Chesterfields smoke smoother, without hot spots or a hard draw.” The spokesperson interviewing Chope then made a non-sequitor claim that this technology is the reason Chesterfield “is best for you.” Here, Liggett & Myers conflates technology with healthfulness.

Ironically, Accuray is now the name of a completely unrelated company which develops and markets a robotic radiosurgery system known as the CyberKnife® which is used to treat cancerous tumors including tumors of the lung. The new company, Accuray, is coincidentally seeking to cure cancer under the same name as a technology which was used in the production of a product that caused cancer.

Sisterhood – img7421

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Chesterfield launched its “Best for You” campaign in 1950. The obvious message was that Chesterfields were the cigarette that was “best” for the smoker. It is unclear whether this slogan ironically implies that other cigarettes are bad for the smoker, and that Chesterfields are merely the lesser of the evils, or if the slogan is falsely claiming that all cigarettes are good for you, but that Chesterfields are best. Either way, the slogan was manipulative and misleading. Along with print advertisements, Chesterfield also featured the “Best for You” slogan on Perry Como’s Chesterfield radio show.

Despite the patently false and misleading health claims implicit in the slogan, the campaign lasted well into 1957. The campaign’s longevity may seem surprising in the face of the Federal Trade Commission's (FTC’s) 1955 advertising guidelines, which prohibited cigarette manufacturers from publishing claims regarding lower tar or lower nicotine without scientific proof. The guidelines proved to be relatively ineffective, with brands using dubious science to prove their figures. This continued until 1960 when the FTC and the tobacco manufacturers agreed to discontinue such tar and nicotine advertisements for good. However, everything reverted when, in 1966, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) reported that scientific evidence suggests that “the lower the tar and nicotine content of cigarette smoke, the less harmful would be the effect.” Though much later on, in 1994, this claim would be challenged and torn down by the FTC as false, it was widely accepted at the time. As a result, in 1966 the FTC discontinued its 1960 ruling which had banned tobacco companies from reporting tar and nicotine claims in advertising. This meant that misleading data on tar and nicotine content would continue in advertising well into the latter half of the twentieth century.

Vogue – img18749

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Like most consumer products, many electronic cigarette (e-cig) companies create products and advertisements specifically targeted to women. Many of these ads follow stereotypes associated with gender targeted ads and are either overly feminine (in shades of pink or with floral designs) or target insecurities.

Even in their brand names, these brands target women by speaking to their desires. For instance, the brand Vogue, brands it as “new lifestyle.” The e-cig devices for most brands under this category are available in pastel colors such as pink and peach. The slim design, very reminiscent of the slim cigarettes of popular women cigarette brands such as Virginia Slims and Max, are crystal tipped to appeal to the modern woman. An ad for Luli e-cigs has the image of the product on a vanity table by the side of an elegant and beautiful tiara made of pearls and in front of a vintage bottle of perfume. The presence of the product on the vanity case is intended to convey that it is just another element in making you look and feel beautiful.

In addition to creating sleekly designed devices, many brands have also created a whole line of fashionable accessories from e-cig lanyards to e-cig handbags. Cottien, which brands itself as the “most feminine electronic cigarette in the world,” has an artistic rendition of a fashion model on each device. Through blogs, Pinterest boards and Facebook posts, these e-cig companies reach out to women, including adolescent girls, and provide them with tips on how to be stylish and trendy. For instance, Pinterest board for Vapor Couture teaches women how to coordinate their dress with Vapor Couture accessories. The board for Cottien has images of pink frosted cupcakes and girly, floral, sneakers as must-have items for this summer.

Many of the e-cig brands through their descriptors, ads, and messages on social media boards also provide a subliminal message that vaping their brand will result in the smoker obtaining or maintaining a slim figure. An ad for Luli disposable e-cigs contains the image of the product along with the call out, “new improved formula, brand new design.” The ad is intended to encourage women to believe that a product was redesigned to better suit their needs.

Mecca – img6381

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In the early 1900s, manufactures of Turkish and Egyptian cigarettes tripled their sales and became legitimate competitors to leading brands. One of the earliest successful Turkish cigarettes, Mecca was introduced by the Kinney Bros. Tobacco Company in 1878. The cigarette was named after the Muslim city of holy pilgrimage, Mecca, tying the cigarette closely to the exotic East. The American Tobacco Company acquired the Mecca brand in 1911 through the dissolution of the Cigarette Trust, accounting for the high quality of the Mecca advertisements in the following years. Mecca, along with other Turkish cigarette brands, referenced the “Oriental” roots of their Turkish tobacco blends through brand name, pack art and advertising images. In particular, many Mecca ads featured elegant, exotic turbaned men with heavy mustaches. The ads made use of vibrant, luxurious colors and imagery.